1921, December 12th, Monday.
Monday, the twelfth of December, arrived with a biting wind that seemed to carry the scent of both winter and impending confrontation. Sultan Murad VII felt the threads of various intrigues and initiatives tightening around him, some of his own careful weaving, others spun by his adversaries. Behram Rıza Bey, his envoy to Konya, was now three arduous days into his return journey, each day bringing him closer to Constantinople with news that could reshape the Empire's destiny. But in the capital itself, the battle for truth and sovereignty, particularly within the Port Authority's Joint Commission of Inquiry, was reaching a new, critical intensity. The ultimatum delivered to General Harington via Cavit Bey's letter was due for a response.
The morning began with an air of taut expectation. Murad had given General Harington twenty-four hours to ensure Colonel Hughes's compliance regarding full access to the 'Special Projects Fund' and the ownership details of the phantom 'Levantine Trading Syndicate.' Failure to do so would result in the Ottoman government declaring the British in breach of the Port Agreement and resuming its 'independent inquiries' – a clear threat to unleash the full, damning specifics of the Syndicate scandal, focused squarely on British high-level corruption, to the world.
The Joint Commission of Inquiry was scheduled to meet late that morning. Cavit Bey met with Murad and Tevfik Pasha beforehand, his face a mask of grim determination. "Today, Your Majesty," Cavit stated, "we will see if General Harington values his personal reputation and that of his High Commission more than he values protecting the architects of this grand theft. Colonel Hughes will either come to the table with the documents we demanded, or he will effectively be triggering our next offensive." "Be prepared for either eventuality, Cavit Bey," Murad advised. "If they choose continued obstruction, Esad Bey's channels are ready. But I suspect Harington, under immense pressure from London and now facing the prospect of a scandal specifically naming his own staff, will be forced to make a significant concession."
When the Joint Commission convened, the atmosphere was glacial. Colonel Hughes looked as if he had personally swallowed broken glass. Mr. Davies, his treasury colleague, appeared visibly ill. Monsieur Lacroix (French) and Signor Valenti (Italian) watched with an air of detached, almost clinical, interest, their primary concern now clearly being to distance themselves and their national interests from this unfolding British debacle. Colonel Hughes, his voice hoarse with suppressed rage, spoke first. "Minister Cavit," he began, avoiding eye contact, "General Harington has… reviewed the concerns raised by your delegation. He reiterates his full confidence in the integrity of all British personnel associated with the Port Authority. However… in the spirit of continued cooperation and to… dispel any further unfortunate misunderstandings… the British delegation is now prepared to provide… certain further clarifications and supporting documentation regarding the historical activities and contractual arrangements of the Levantine Trading Syndicate, and to facilitate supervised access to specific reconciled ledgers of the Special Projects Fund for the agreed-upon audit period." He then pushed a surprisingly thin file across the table towards Cavit Bey. "These are the pertinent initial documents, Minister. You will find them… entirely exculpatory of any wrongdoing." Cavit Bey's eyes narrowed. "'Pertinent initial documents'? 'Supervised access'? 'Reconciled ledgers'? Colonel, our agreement was for full and unfettered access to all records. And we specifically demanded the full list of beneficial owners of the Levantine Trading Syndicate." Hughes's face tightened. "The beneficial ownership… involves complex international commercial sensitivities and non-disclosure agreements that predate even Allied administration here. That specific information requires… further high-level legal review by London before it can be released." Cavit Bey almost smiled. It was a partial, grudging retreat, an attempt to offer something while still withholding the most damning information. He knew the 'complex international commercial sensitivities' were a smokescreen for highly placed British names. "Very well, Colonel," Cavit said, picking up the thin file. "We will examine what you have provided. But let me be clear: our demand for the full, unredacted list of beneficial owners of the Levantine Trading Syndicate, and for unrestricted access to all original, unreconciled ledgers of the Special Projects Fund, stands. Your High Commissioner's twenty-four-hour deadline to ensure full compliance… is noted. We expect substantial progress on these specific points by the end of today's session, or we will proceed as previously indicated." He then turned to his auditors. "Let us begin with what the Colonel has so… generously provided." The "unraveling thread" of the Syndicate was being pulled, and Cavit Bey intended to follow it to its source, however high that might be. The initial documents, though clearly sanitized, still contained enough discrepancies and vague references to vast sums to allow Cavit's team to begin piecing together the scale of the fraud. Each question they posed to Hughes and Davies, based on these papers, was met with evasiveness or claims of ignorance, further highlighting British culpability in the eyes of the increasingly uncomfortable French and Italian delegates.
While this battle of wits and ledgers continued, Reşid Akif Pasha brought Murad news of the diplomatic ripples from his private presentation of the Major Hesketh dossier to General Pellé. "Your Majesty," Reşid Akif reported, "General Pellé was, as anticipated, deeply disturbed by the evidence of Major Hesketh's involvement in funding Kara Davud's seditious network. He thanked me for the 'discretion and frankness' of our communication. He made no direct promises, but he strongly implied that he would use this information to impress upon General Harington, and indeed upon Paris, the extreme danger posed by such 'rogue intelligence operations' to overall Allied interests and stability in Constantinople. He also let slip that there is growing concern in Paris that General Harington's… ' confrontational style' might be exacerbating tensions unnecessarily." "Excellent, Reşid Akif Pasha," Murad commented. "Sowing discord between them, or at least ensuring the French and Italians do not blindly support British recklessness, is a key objective. Has there been any noticeable change in Major Hesketh's status?" "Kolağası Esad Bey reports," Reşid Akif said, consulting his notes, "that Major Hesketh has been conspicuously absent from his usual haunts for the past twenty-four hours. There are unconfirmed rumors within the British High Commission that he has been 'temporarily reassigned to administrative duties pending a review.' It appears your information, conveyed through General Pellé, has had an immediate effect." Murad nodded. One less British intelligence officer actively working to destabilize his government was a small but welcome gain.
On the internal security front, Esad Bey reported on the aftermath of the arrests of Kara Davud's mid-level agitators. "Their network is certainly disrupted, Your Majesty. Their public propaganda has ceased almost entirely. However, Kara Davud himself remains elusive, and my operatives believe he may be trying to establish new, more covert cells, perhaps focusing on direct incitement within certain disaffected former military units rather than broad public agitation. The threat he poses has become less visible, but potentially more dangerous if he turns towards violence." "Then your efforts to penetrate his inner circle and identify his true command structure are more vital than ever, Esad Bey," Murad stated. "We must neutralize him before he can ignite a more serious internal conflict." Regarding Arif Efendi, the Port Authority informant, Esad presented a concrete plan. "Your Majesty, I have arranged, through a trusted neutral shipping contact, for Arif Efendi and his wife and two children to be discreetly embarked on a Swedish merchant vessel scheduled to depart for Gothenburg in three days. They will travel under new identities, with papers provided by my directorate. A sum of five thousand gold Lira from the Sultan's Contingency Fund will be anonymously transferred to a secure bank account in their new name in Sweden to ensure their financial security. It is the least we can do for his bravery." "It is indeed, Esad Bey," Murad approved, deeply relieved. "Ensure every detail of their departure is managed with utmost secrecy and care. His sacrifice must not be in vain, nor must he fall into Allied hands."
The Imperial Reconstruction Council, under Tevfik Pasha's guidance, held its first formal working session. Minister Behçet Efendi presented detailed engineering plans and budget requirements for the first twenty-kilometer phase of the Izmit railway line repair, and for the establishment of three large depots for subsidized grain and fuel in Constantinople's most impoverished districts. Cavit Bey, despite the pressures of the Port audit, meticulously reviewed the financial projections, ensuring transparency and accountability. Murad, attending briefly, was impressed by their practical, focused approach. "This, gentlemen," he said, "is the work that will truly rebuild the foundations of our Empire – not grand pronouncements, but tangible improvements in the lives of our people."
Ferik Fevzi Pasha, meanwhile, was deep in preparations for the Hassa Ordusu's public parade scheduled for the upcoming Friday Selamlık. "The first regiment at Davutpaşa is drilling intensively, Your Majesty," he reported. "Their discipline, their marksmanship with the new rifles, their esprit de corps – it is magnificent to behold. Their parade through the city will be a powerful message of Ottoman renewal and your direct command over a force loyal only to the Sultan-Caliph and the nation." He outlined the proposed route, carefully chosen to be visible and reassuring to the populace, yet not unduly provocative to the Allied garrisons.
As Monday, December twelfth, drew to its close, Murad received Esad Bey's nightly coded update on Behram Rıza's journey. "Our envoy, Your Majesty, has successfully crossed the Sakarya River region, avoiding several known bandit encampments and nationalist militia patrols, thanks to the skill of his escort and our local contacts. He is now approximately three days from Konya. He remains well, though the journey is undoubtedly exhausting." Murad offered a silent prayer. Three more days. The thread of hope from Anatolia was still intact, drawing ever closer. In Constantinople, the threads of Allied corruption were slowly, painfully, being unraveled by Cavit Bey's relentless pressure. The leverage of truth was proving to be a potent weapon. But Murad knew that each unraveling thread also risked snapping the larger cord of the fragile peace, and that the days ahead would be fraught with even greater challenges as the full extent of Allied malfeasance, and Ottoman resolve, became undeniable.